Releasing more land key to increasing Papua New Guinea home ownership

By: Kevin McQuillan
3rd May 2017

Demand for housing in Papua New Guinea is strong but there is a shortage of supply, according to the latest survey by Hausples, a Port Moresby-based real estate company.

The Hausples.com.pg 2017 survey shows that working class Papua New Guineans are beginning to understand the value that home ownership brings to their families and they are increasingly investing in their own properties, according to CEO and founder, Mat Care.
‘Despite Port Moresby’s high prices, most people (62 per cent) feel that now is an opportune time to purchase a property,’ he tells Business Advantage PNG.

According to a report by the ratings agency S&P Global, Banking Industry Country Risk Assessment: Papua New Guinea, average growth in PNG property prices, adjusted for inflation, has been about 8–11 per cent over the past four years.
‘New constructions in PNG’s housing market are largely funded through direct foreign investment or superannuation funds, with little leverage and little direct participation from the banking sector,’ the report says.
‘We estimate around 15 per cent of the banking system’s lending exposures are to property and related services, remaining unchanged in recent years.’

 

Supply

Mat Care ‘firmly believes’ that more effort should be made to increase supply, which he says will bring house prices down and increase access and affordability.
‘Housing is a critical factor in the continued development of PNG,’ says Care.
‘The country’s urbanisation rate of 12 per cent is incredibly low by global standards. Southeast Asia’s least urbanised country is Cambodia at 24 per cent.’

‘It is critical for landowners and the government to seek novel and fair ways to release more land.’

Care says that, despite the low urbanisation, the survey confirms the ‘very substantial housing shortage’ throughout the country.
‘Property development on customary land with long-term, 99-year leases, is becoming more common within the NCD [National Capital District] and Central Province,’ he says, citing Edai Town as a successful example.

edai
Standalone House in Edai Town

‘Whether customary land should be converted to freehold land is a policy issue for the government and the existing customary land holders,’ he says. ‘Potentially, a voluntary system of conversion, subject to appropriate compensation, could be considered.
‘Regardless, it is critical for landowners and the government to seek novel and fair ways to release more land for much-needed housing.’

 
BSP inquiries increase

Kanawi Chapiu, Bank South Pacific’s (BSP) Home Loan Coordinator, says home loan inquiries have risen. Potential customers show interest when they see others successfully buying their own house.
Since its inception in 2014, BSP has approved 534 home loans valued at K270 million under the BSP First Home Ownership Scheme (FHOS).

BSP Home ownerships
The average purchase price in the market is under K500, 000, Chapiu tells Business Advantage PNG. The Hausples survey backs that up, revealing that 70 per cent of people intend to spend less than K500,000 on a property. Thirty per cent are intending to spend K1 million or more.
Care says just over half (56 per cent) of respondents are seeking to buy a property in the next 12 months, while over 26 per cent said they would consider buying property in the next 18 months.

 
Capital preferred

Port Moresby remains the preferred place to own a home, with more than 80 per cent of survey respondents indicating they would like to buy in the capital.
Chapiu says there are no restrictions to lending outside of Port Moresby. ‘In fact, BSP has seen an increase in home loan inquiries from other major centres in PNG such as Lae, Kokopo, Alotau and Madang’.

‘All intending home owners who apply for a home loan are subject to meeting credit risk requirements.’

The bank uses a mortgage over the house as its collateral. A mortgagee cannot spend more than 40 per cent of their income on the mortgage.
Chapiu says all intending home owners who apply for a home loan are subject to meeting credit risk requirements. ‘They must ensure that the property or land they plan to purchase must be on state lease land with the title issued.’

 

Planning needed
The Institute of National Affairs has written many research papers and run workshops on the issue of what its Director, Paul Barker, calls ‘the absence of formal management of the urbanisation process’.
This failure, he points out, has seen prospective settlers, customary landowners, businesses and opportunists ‘do their own thing, often outside the formal legal process, and following the principle that possession is nine-tenths of the law’.
Barker wants a major effort to upgrade and generate safe towns and cities, with affordable housing, amenities, utilities, public transport and recreational are

Housing boom?

Hausples CEO Mat Care estimates that 5000 to 6000 new affordable and middle-income houses will be built in Port Moresby over the next 18 months, with up to 50,000 additional homes slated to be built by 2020.

‘These comprise government initiatives such as the National Housing Commission’s mega-development at Duran Farm which will comprise 44,000 dwellings (standalone 2-3 bedroom houses),’ he says.
Other smaller private developments include:
– Mediterranean Apartments (48 units comprising bedsit and 2 and 3 bedroom homes);
– Community Housing Limited’s proposed development at 9 Mile (160 stand-alone 3 bedroom houses);
– Edai Town, 300 homes (2 and 3 bedroom homes).

The high-end domestic and expatriate housing market is predominantly apartment-focused in central Port Moresby.

This includes:
– Airway’s new 3-bedroom development specifically for the LNG Project;
– Credit Corporation’s Era Motana development (2 and 3 bedrooms)
– Ela Vista’s Gardenia Apartments (2 and 3 bedrooms);
– Nambawan Super’s Pinnacle Apartments (2 and 3 bedrooms).

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Australia’s ‘Boomerang’ Aid should be directed into PNG National Budget

By: Bernard Keane 



Who profits from our foreign aid?: the ‘technical assistance’ making business rich

Australia’s “boomerang aid” has been making corporate Australia very rich for years.

“Boomerang aid” is the name Michael Somare claims he invented to describe the propensity of Australian aid to PNG to end up back in Australia, courtesy of highly-paid Australian consultants and firms specialising in “technical assistance” in the delivery of aid projects. For a small number of firms, it has provided a taxpayer-funded path to massive success.

“Technical assistance” is a billion-dollar business funded by Australian taxpayers. This year, we will spend $4.3b on foreign aid. Under the Government’s commitment to increase foreign aid to 0.5% of Gross National Income, that is scheduled to rise to $8-9b in five years’ time.
Technical assistance over the last decade has accounted for 40-50% of the entire aid budget.
A small number of Australian firms have done very well from this:

* Coffey International, the Chatswood, Sydney-based “global professional services consultancy”, garnered over $300 million in contracts in calendar year 2009 alone, Ausaid records show;

* Cardno ACIL secured at least $270 million, as did GRM, “a leading international development management company”;

* Queensland companies GHD and JTA International, both reaped over $100 million.
Boomerang aid has long been a basis for criticism of AusAID and our entire foreign aid program, particularly in relation to PNG, our largest aid recipient. In 2003, Michael Somare suggested over 60% of Australian aid simply went to Australians or Australian companies.
That year, the Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade References Committee considered the issue as part of its report on Australia’s relationship with PNG and the Pacific, saying that the “most common concern raised with the Committee in relation to the delivery of aid was for the tendency for AusAID to use consultants, typically from Australia which lead to the perception of ‘boomerang aid’.” 
A number of submissions to the committee raised the issue, including those from the Business Council of PNG and from Oxfam Community Aid Abroad.
In response, AusAID rejected any criticism, declaring the “Australian aid program ensures that PNG citizens benefit from commercial opportunities, skills formation and capacity building.”
Papua New Guinea through its planning Minister Charles Abel recognized this gap in the Australian Aid and has proposed to negotiate the new AID Agreement.

“We would like to see a larger proportion of the budget actually going into hard, tangible, on-the-ground outcomes,” he said.

“Budgetary support will assist in programs and activities that the Government is trying to achieve and that alone will achieve a lot more positive outcomes than what’s going on at the moment,” 

Aid to be effective needs to be channeled into PNG’s national budget as opposed to being distributed by Australian Technical Assistance Team.

———————————————

Papua New Guinea asks Australia to fund health, education during ministerial forum

BY PAPUA NEW GUINEA CORRESPONDENT ERIC TLOZEK –THU MAR 09 11:19:03 EST 2017
Australia’s increasingly tricky relationship with Papua New Guinea could be about to get more difficult.


PNG’s Government has asked Australia to directly fund its health and education spending after it suffered a severe economic downturn and was forced to make major budget cuts.

PNG used the 25th ministerial forum between the two countries to ask Australia to shift its $500 million of annual aid away from narrowly-focused programs and into helping fund its health, education and infrastructure priorities.

Planning Minister Charles Abel said the shift was something that had been discussed for some time.

“The Papua New Guinea Government has sent a signal at this meeting of our desire to move by 2020 into a budget support arrangement where the program is channelled more directly through the PNG budget process,” he said.

Australia is the dominant contributor of aid to PNG, providing 68 per cent off its development assistance.

Mr Abel said that money could be having a bigger impact.

“We would like to see a larger proportion of the budget actually going into hard, tangible, on-the-ground outcomes,” he said.

PNG’s Major Events Minister Justin Tkatchenko said the request arose out of concerns about the effectiveness of Australia’s aid program and the amount of money that is spent on contractors and technical assistance.
“Budgetary support will assist in programs and activities that the Government is trying to achieve and that alone will achieve a lot more positive outcomes than what’s going on at the moment,” he said.

The request came as a surprise to the Australian ministerial delegation.

It also came after PNG suffered a major drop in revenue that forced its Government to slash spending, particularly to health services, but Mr Abel rejected suggestions it was linked to PNG’s cash shortage.

“It’s a policy-based directive that has come from a series of documents … it’s not a knee-jerk reaction,” he said.

Request catches Australian ministerial delegation off guard
Australia’s aid partnership with PNG is due to be renewed this year, so the Government was already evaluating the program.

But Foreign Minister Julie Bishop said Australia did not know PNG would make the request.

“That’s apparently a matter that’s been discussed within the PNG Government, it’s been raised with us today and we’ll consider it,” she said.

The change harks back to the way Australia used to deliver aid in PNG, by funding its budget directly.

But Australia stopped doing that in the early 1990s because of concerns about corruption and mismanagement.

Those concerns have not gone away.

Ms Bishop said any change to the aid program would need to meet Australia’s accountability standards.

We want to ensure that it’s transparent, that it’s value for money and it provides the kind of outcomes that will see economic development and prosperity here in PNG,” she said.

“And of course we must be answerable to the Australian taxpayer.”

The Government fears those taxpayers are becoming increasingly sceptical about the benefits of foreign aid.

Questions over how aid spending is getting to people who need it
The timing of the request, as PNG tries to weather a severe economic downturn, makes it even harder to sell.

Australia has given $5 billion in aid over the last decade, but has been changing its approach for the past few years.

The Australian Government, which has consolidated delivery of its programs into a Papua New Guinea Governance Facility, will be investing more in infrastructure and is seeking more partnerships with agencies like the World Bank and Asian Development Bank to deliver soft loans.

Such changes reflect a broader shift in aid spending, but also an attempt to make a bigger impact and force the PNG Government to comply with the strict standards for governance and program delivery required by multilateral agencies.

Australia also agreed to focus more on private-sector growth and trade, which would help protect and increase the $6.8 billion PNG-Australia trade relationship in the face of threats from China.

But the non-government organisations working in the aid sector have criticised that approach, saying PNG is a clear example of a place where economic growth has not delivered much benefit for disadvantaged people.

Despite 15 years of continuous growth, PNG still has one of the lowest levels of GDP per capita in the region.


Manus issues causing tension
It might not say so publicly, but the PNG Government has also been recently displaying frustration with Australia in other ways.

There has been tension over the Manus Island detention centre, particularly over the need to close it to comply with a PNG Supreme Court ruling.

People within the PNG Government say they are frustrated about the impact of the centre on PNG’s reputation, the political risk to the current Government, and the social issues that the day release of detainees has created on Manus Island.

That frustration has been accentuated by a delay in Australia delivering a promised $200 million redevelopment of the Angau hospital in Lae, which was agreed upon as part of the Manus Island deal.

Detainees at Manus Asylum Seekers Detention Center

Australia argues the delay is due to the PNG Government withdrawing its promised contribution, but PNG said it told Australia two years ago to just “get it done”.

Recent allegations that the medical company that runs the clinic at the Manus Island detention centre failed to obtain proper registration and breached a raft of other PNG laws — something strongly rejected by the company — could be seen as PNG putting further pressure on Australia to hasten the centre’s closure.

There has been no shortage of people noting the detrimental effect of the Manus Island deal on Australia’s ability to negotiate with PNG, but with the urgency increasing to close the centre by October, PNG could be looking to squeeze even more benefit out of its relationship with Australia at this time.

That has left Australia with a problem for both its aid program and its diplomatic relationship with the most populous and arguably most influential country in the western Pacific.

Woman candidates take Parliament training

By: Roslyn Peter

Parliamentary training for woman candidates interested in contesting the PNG NGE 2017 is a great idea and gives an insight for our woman. This is a concept that would ease the elected woman into her seat in Parliament.

But one thing that should be continuously taught throughout the Parliament is ‘Financial Management, Ethics and Responsibility’

What we have seen time and time is mismanagement of finance and the lack of leadership responsibilities in our elected leaders.

Good leaders are easily lead astray when given power and when put under pressure from their colleagues. This makes their job of governing their electorate much much difficult.

Our mama dated leaders need constant and effective training to help them in their electorates and also help them with their responsibilities.

Getting financial training and management training should be the TOP priority for intending candidates and not just for our woman ..
————

By: Post Courier
FIFTY women candidates who intend to run for the 2017 National Election have been selected to participate in a week of training on parliamentary processes.
In a highly competitive process, participants from 22 provinces were selected from more than 200 applicants and will be trained on critical national policy issues, parliamentary processes and campaign strategies from March 6-13 this year in Port Moresby.
The United Nations Development Program (UNDP) PNG acting resident representative, Ms Tracy Vienings said UNDP was proud to be supporting the Practice Parliament for the second time in Papua New Guinea.
“We believe it is important to ensure that PNG women have the opportunity and ability to actively participate in politics.
“With only three women MPs out of 111 in Papua New Guinea’s current parliament, women continue to be under-represented as political leaders and elected officials,” she said. 

Highly qualified candidates from doctors to village women and women from other sectors of the community applied for PNG Practice Parliament for Women training, highlighting just how many women are keen to represent PNG and be active in political life.


The program aims to empower intending candidates to prepare themselves in the lead up to upcoming national elections in April 2017.
The program, organised by the UNDP in coordination with the Office of Integrity of Political Parties, National Parliament and Department of Community Development and religion, will culminate with a practice session in the Parliament chamber on March 13.

According to Ms Vienings, this training will develop women candidate’s skills not only in campaigning for elections, but also in engaging with policy issues that are critical to PNG’s future.
“That is the role of an MP, and we want to help women prepare to become elected representatives,” she said.
The 50 participants were selected by a screening committee, and were also cross-checked with the Electoral Commission to ensure each participant filled in a Form 29 to contest the 2017 elections.
The final list of participants is available below and on the Facebook page: “PNG Practice Parliament for Women 2017 <https://www.facebook.com/PNGPracticeParl2017/&gt; .
http://www.postcourier.com.pg/Stories/women-candidates-take-parlt-training/#.WLcwQ8vXef1

Should Papua New Guinea consider pumped storage hydropower for its power outages

by: Jonny Andrew

The continuous power outages in and around Papua New Guinea and most especially in Port Moresby and Lae calls for an out-of-the-box approach in power generation. The concept of Pumped storage hydropower in Australia should serve as a lesson worth considering.

Pumped hydroelectric storage facilities store energy in the form of water in an upper reservoir, pumped from another reservoir at a lower elevation. During periods of high electricity demand, power is generated by releasing the stored water through turbines in the same manner as a conventional hydropower station. During periods of low demand (usually nights or weekends when electricity is also lower cost), the upper reservoir is recharged by using lower-cost electricity from the grid to pump the water back to the upper reservoir.

Reversible pump-turbine/motor-generator assemblies can act as both pumps and turbines. Pumped storage stations are unlike traditional hydroelectric stations in that they are a net consumer of electricity, due to hydraulic and electrical losses incurred in the cycle of pumping from lower to upper reservoirs. However, these plants are typically highly efficient (round-trip efficiencies reaching greater than 80%) and can prove very beneficial in terms of balancing load within the overall power system. Pumped-storage facilities can be very economical due to peak tand off-peak price differentials and their potential to provide critical ancillary grid services.

Papua New Guinea should seriously consider Pumped Storage Hydropower to sustain and supplement the current hydro power stations

——————————
Author – Nick West 
22nd February 2017

OVERCOMING THE BARRIERS TO PUMPED STORAGE HYDROPOWER

With energy reliability a hot topic in Australia, eyes are now turning to pumped storage hydropower… but what has been holding it back?
There are only three pumped storage hydropower projects in Australia, with the most recent completed more than thirty years ago. This is despite the ability of pumped storage hydropower projects to provide the large-scale storage that would complement increasing levels of renewable energy. Why is this, and what are the barriers to developing more Australian pumped storage hydropower projects?

Around the world, pumped storage hydropower projects make up the vast majority of grid energy storage and have traditionally been used by energy utilities to supply additional power to a grid during times of highest demand.

As part of a portfolio of power stations, a utility might operate a pumped storage project infrequently only, if the cost of pumping the water back to the upper storage exceeds the revenue that can be generated from its release.

overcoming-the-barriers-to-pumped-storage-hydropower-680x350

The main issue facing developers trying to prove the viability of a new pumped storage project is that a sufficient price differential is required to pay for the pumping and to account for the efficiency losses in transmission, pumping and generation. The generation price needs to be sufficiently higher than the pumping price just to repay the variable pumping costs. To repay the heavy capital investment, a margin is required over and above the break-even cost of pumping. This is particularly true where proposed developments are ‘stand-alone’ and cannot be optimised as part of a corporate generation portfolio.

In recent years, electricity price spikes have been irregular with few occurrences each year. Due to the significant capital costs, a pumped storage scheme would require a certain number of pumping/generation cycles at high or maximum pricing to pay a return on investment. These price spikes are unpredictable, so building a business case around these events is risky.

Historically, the daily fluctuation of power prices has not been sufficient or regular enough to attract pumped storage developers. This is beginning to change with increasing penetration of renewable energy leading to an increase in both low and high price periods. More frequent, sustained periods of hot weather (as predicted by climate change models) will also drive up demand for power and therefore the market price.

In the last few months, volatility has greatly increased, creating a greater differential between baseload and peak pricing. This will increase the viability of pumped storage schemes, although the unpredictability and challenges of financing capital intensive assets will remain.

But, even when the economics are right, there are still some other barriers that proponents of pumped storage projects need to overcome:

FINDING THE RIGHT SITE

Pumped storage projects require significant capital for development. Minimising the cost of construction and operation is key to the successful development of a project. Choosing the right location is a matter of identifying a site with ideal topography, a source of water and good proximity to and location within the transmission network.

A wealth of information is available that is relevant to identifying potential pumped storage hydropower sites. Concept studies for pumped storage hydropower sites can screen potential sites quickly and offer developers greater insight into possible opportunities.

NEGOTIATING ACCESS TO APPROPRIATE SITES FOR PUMPED STORAGE

While a pumped storage project generally has a significantly smaller footprint than a traditional hydropower project, the features of natural topography that are ideal for pumped storage – high, steep hillsides or cliffs – tend also to be places of great natural beauty and are often designated as reserves, are expensive private land, or have high environmental or social value.

State governments can assist here through streamlined planning and approvals processes for infrastructure developments. This can make sure that the challenges of developing sites do not become insurmountable for developers.

PERCEIVED ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACTS

Pumped storage projects can occupy many square kilometres and also require transmission lines to connect to the electricity market. Like traditional hydropower projects, pumped storage projects need to attend to environmental issues associated with the project. Environmental impacts for pumped storage projects are assessed in the same manner as for all infrastructure developments.

If the impacts of a project can be mitigated to the satisfaction of the relevant regulatory body and international Standards (such as the International Hydropower Association and International Finance Corporation), a pumped storage hydropower project should face no greater hurdle than any other infrastructure project in this respect.

A pumped storage project may also have to deal with the perception that it uses carbon-intensive thermal power to pump water during the pumping cycle. This may be true unless there is a surplus of renewable energy available, in which case the pumped storage project could be seen to be using this excess renewable energy for pumping. As renewable energy penetration grows, the opportunities for storing surplus renewable energy will increase.

AN UNFAVOURABLE REGULATORY FRAMEWORK

Inconsistent and uncertain policy positions of the major political parties at both federal and state levels reduce confidence in the energy industry, which deters investment. With debate raging over energy security, a bipartisan view on energy policy, which transcends party politics and the electoral cycle, is urgently needed.

Existing mechanisms are in place to support the renewable energy industry. The Renewable Energy Target (RET) promotes investment in renewable energy projects; however, pumped storage is specifically excluded from the RET where the energy used for pumping exceeds the energy generated. Current policy would have to be amended or complementary legislation enacted in order to reward large-scale storage for the service it provides.

Such changes could include market mechanisms for large-scale storage that could offer incentives for providing inertia and ancillary services from storage at times of peak demand as well as power. Another possible change could be to ensure that large-scale storage asset owners are not penalised under the RET for energy used in the pumping process. This would encourage the development of energy storage as a complement to the growth of renewable energy.

HIGH COST OF DEVELOPMENT ACTIVITIES

The long lead times and high development costs of pumped storage projects are major deterrents to developers. Projects generally take more than 4 to 5 years from the point of conception to ‘power on’, and require millions of dollars of capital for development and hundreds of millions for construction. In other words, when funding is first committed, it may not see a return for five years or more. In an effort to overcome this barrier, the Clean Energy Finance Corporation (CEFC) has committed $20 million to finance the accelerated development of flexible capacity and large-scale storage projects.

With an increasing interest and emphasis on storage in a power system that is becoming increasingly unreliable (e.g. load shedding in South Australia and lack of reserve events in New South Wales), and with finance from the CEFC for large-scale storage, the barriers to pumped storage development are gradually diminishing. This action can’t come soon enough for residents suffering through blackouts on days over 40°C.

Advance Australia unfair

By Emma Larking on February 10, 2017



Operation Sovereign Borders poster (Wikimedia Commons)Australia is pouring money into a system that targets the vulnerable in our region, and it is doing so with considerable secrecy and scant regard for the costs.
Recent evidence of its profligacy came in a report from the Australian National Audit Office claiming the immigration department spent $2.2 billion on offshore detention programs without going through adequate processes to ensure value for money, and without appropriate oversight of contracts for services.


The report found contracts had been entered into in haste to give effect to government policy decisions, and the result was higher than necessary expense for taxpayers and significant reputational risks for the Australian Government and the department.
Australia’s offshore detention camps are now notorious, but less is known about other attempts to curb irregular migration. Yet Australia invests heavily throughout the Asia-Pacific to ensure that irregular migrants – including asylum seekers – never arrive on its shores.
The Australian public has a right to know how the Government is spending public monies, to what ends and with what results. The public also deserves an explanation of how spending on border controls fits with other regional policy initiatives. These include justice programs designed to promote the rule of law, strengthen judicial independence, support national human rights institutions and counter violence against women and children.
In countries throughout the Asia-Pacific region, Australia provides funding and infrastructure to establish border controls, and personnel to draft new migration laws and policy frameworks. Members of the Australian Federal Police, defence force personnel and immigration department employees collaborate closely with their regional counterparts, often working in-country. The Australian Navy and Secret Intelligence Service are engaged in operations to intercept asylum seekers and stop people smuggling.
As well as the detention centres in Nauru and Papua New Guinea (PNG), Australia also funds detention centres in Indonesia. It funded the Nauruan and PNG Government’s defence in cases challenging the constitutionality of the detention centres. It also funds international agencies to process and oversee irregular migrants and refugees living in the community in Indonesia, Nauru, PNG, and until recently, Cambodia. Frequently, aid funding is linked to agreements to enhance border controls, repatriate nationals who have fled the country, or establish detention centres or refugee resettlement programs.
It is impossible to obtain clear financial costings, but a conservative accounting suggests Australia has spent well over a billion dollars annually since 2012 on these efforts to prevent irregular migration. With no boats known to have made landfall on Australian territory since late 2013, this might be considered money well spent – albeit a large pot of it. But what are the other costs associated with this secretive regime? There is the suffering of individuals trapped in countries where they are persecuted or live in limbo without rights. But there are also broader implications for Australia and the region.
In its collaborations with Cambodia, Iran, Nauru, PNG, Sri Lanka and Vietnam, Australia has aligned itself with authoritarian regimes implicated in serious human rights abuses. 

The funding it provides in exchange for support on irregular migration strengthens and entrenches these regimes. Australia is promoting the securitisation of irregular migration in the Asia-Pacific, putting it on what Josiah Heyman calls ‘a war footing’. In the process, the power of executive governments is enhanced, along with their immunity from public scrutiny and control. Throughout the region, rights activists have expressed dismay over these developments.
Australia’s refusal to open its borders to displaced people is also viewed with disdain by communities that are poorer and less well equipped to assist. Deni ToKunai, a political commentator in PNG, says the 2013 agreement to establish an Australian-funded detention centre contributed to “a boiling resentment [among many in PNG] against Australia and the Australian people never before seen by this generation”.
This resentment is unlikely to evaporate. PNG’s Supreme Court may have ruled the detention arrangements unconstitutional, but there are still hundreds of people living in the centre, and building work is underway on a new ‘transfer’ centre funded by Australia.
How Australia’s irregular migration policies interact with other forms of regional policy engagement has not been publicly explained or defended, but the former are inconsistent with other goals, including advancing the rule of law. Regional justice programs are unlikely to gain traction while Australia continues to fund detention and control regimes that perpetuate violence and operate outside the purview of the law. Instead, they may well contribute to regional perceptions of Australia as a nation of selfish and self-serving hypocrites.

http://devpolicy.org/advance-australia-unfair-20170210/?utm_source=Devpolicy&utm_campaign=07c434825b-RSS_EMAIL_CAMPAIGN&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_082b498f84-07c434825b-312063401